Iran’s recent diplomatic activity across its northern periphery underscores the persistence of its policy of interactive engagement with its 15 neighbors and of leveraging regional capacities for economic and political convergence. The president’s trip to Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan is the latest link in this chain and is best understood in the context of a flurry of Iranian diplomatic movements to neighboring states — from Araghchi’s trip to Baku to multilayered consultations with Russia, Pakistan, Oman and Turkey.
The president’s participation in Turkmenistan’s “Peace and Trust” summit also offers a platform for articulating Iran’s vision of indigenous security and for showcasing Tehran’s proactive role in constructing a regional cooperation–based order — an order that distances itself from harmful rivalry and relies on shared levers such as transit, the energy market and technological opportunities.
Economy and Transit: Backbone of Convergence
Economics sits at the heart of Iran’s neighborhood strategy. The US$92.8mn trade agreement with Kazakhstan at the start of 2025 is just one example of the direction in which bilateral ties are moving — a trajectory rooted in the export of technical and engineering services, indigenous know-how, petrochemicals and access to open seas. Kazakhstan is a key supplier of grains and minerals in Central Asia, and Iran offers it a safe and fast route for sending goods to global markets.
The establishment of joint customs mechanisms, the facilitation of transport documentation and the reduction of cargo clearance times are among the main topics of discussion during the visit — issues that, alongside a joint rail and logistics roadmap, could dramatically shorten delivery times for goods moving from Central Asia to India and the Gulf. In Turkmenistan, too, the US$3bn potential of bilateral economic relations can be fully realized through the completion of the Kazakhstan–Turkmenistan–Iran corridor and the development of Chabahar — steps that can yield benefits for both sides.
Countering Extra-Regional Influence and the New Cold War
Central Asia and the Caucasus have long been targets of competition among external powers. The “Trump Corridor,” the security-economic reach of the Israeli regime, the Abraham Initiative, and NATO’s efforts to secure a military foothold are examples of interventions pursued through the language of division, ethnic tension and security pressure. The continuation of such dynamics renders regional security fragile and makes convergence costly.
Relying on its defense capabilities and the principles of indigenous security, Iran has defined its response through cooperation with neighboring states and the removal of extra-regional power brokers. The US National Security Strategy — which also laid bare Washington’s condescending view of Europe — once again demonstrated that dependence on the United States is unreliable. In this context, dialogue and the clearing of misunderstandings are not optional preferences but urgent necessities for safeguarding stability.
Turkmenistan’s Peace Summit: A Test of Shared Will
The “Peace and Trust” summit in Ashgabat may become a turning point in defining multilayered and sustainable security in the region. Through active participation and by presenting cooperation proposals on transport, energy, border security and economic dialogue, Tehran can help steer the summit’s agenda toward regional solidarity in the face of extremism, terrorism and externally imposed sanctions.
Pezeshkian’s trip is the continuation of a results-oriented diplomacy that binds the economic dimension to security and activates part of the emerging global order’s potential to counter unilateralism and hegemonic ambitions. In effect, this visit forms part of Iran’s increasingly consolidated neighborhood policy — a path that, if accompanied by a media strategy and rigorous follow-through, could redefine the region’s geopolitics.
NOURNEWS