News ID : 140194
Publish Date : 5/21/2023 11:59:30 AM
Sociology of an election

Sociology of an election

A detailed analysis of the statistical details of the Turkish presidential election shows how economic, mass-elite, religious-secular, and ethnic divisions have shaped the political scene of this country.
NOURNEWS - A detailed analysis of the statistical details of the Turkish presidential election shows how economic, mass-elite, religious-secular, and ethnic divisions have shaped the political scene of Turkey. In all the election contests of two, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu was the loser and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan the current president of Turkey was the winner. Perhaps for 74-year-old Kılıçdaroğlu, the previous defeats were the prelude to victory, and this time, at least in the first round, he did not give up the results of the elections. Now, both Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his rival want the three million votes that Sinan Oğan won. Both the election candidates are trying to put Oğan's votes in their ballot box by bargaining. If Oğan supports Erdoğan, it will become far more difficult for Kılıçdaroğlu to win. The Turkish opposition must grow its influence among nationalist voters outside of the cities, who seem to have reacted to the pre-election measures. Recently, Erdoğan has increased the monthly wages of public sector employees by 45 percent and has taken measures such as reducing the price of electricity and providing free natural gas to households for one month to win the votes of these voters. In the recent elections, Europe and the US hoped that with the victory of the opposition, Turkey would turn more towards the West. A victory for Erdoğan, one of the most important allies of Vladimir Putin, the president of Russia, will delight the Kremlin, but Erdoğan's victory in the election will unnerve the Biden administration as well as many European and Middle Eastern leaders who have had troubled relations with Erdoğan administration. Turkey's electoral map obtained in the recent period shows that Kılıçdaroğlu won the majority of votes in the Kurdish provinces, these provinces host the most significant Kurdish immigrant populations, as well as the secular and wealthy coastal provinces. It should be noted that during the last few hundred years, many of the population living in the coastal areas have become Muslims and consider themselves Turks, but they still have strong cultural mixtures of their ethnic identity and of course, they have not forgotten their past. This is while the central regions of Turkey are more affected by the population of Turkish herding tribes than the coastal regions. This type of distribution map of population trends applies more to countries influenced by Western civilization and also countries that have long beaches suitable for tourism. In the Zionist regime, such a situation exists in such a way that the religious and conservative population has gone to the central areas to get closer to the holy places of Jerusalem and the West Bank, and the seculars have settled in the narrow coastal strip between Haifa and Tel Aviv. According to the published Statistics, Erdoğan's votes in Germany and France were similarly 65%. In contrast, Kılıçdaroğlu has won 81% of the votes in Britain and 53% in Italy. While Germany and France host millions of Turks, Britain has only 500,000 Turks, of which between 300,000 and 350,000 live in Northern Cyprus. Italy also hosts a limited population of 20,000 Turks. At the end of the counting of votes, only three major coalitions, including "Republic", "Nation" and "Work and Freedom" managed to enter the parliament. The presidential coalition consisting of the Justice and Development Party, the National Movement, and the New Welfare Party led by Erdoğan managed to obtain a total of 48.47 percent of the votes in the Turkish National Assembly elections. Almost one percent less than the votes obtained in the presidential election. With this number of votes, the Republican coalition managed to win 322 seats out of 600 seats in the parliament and has become the majority. The parliamentary elections, which have a more local character due to the connection between the candidates and the constituencies, show that one-third of the Turkish population has a deep attachment to the country's conservative movement. Also, due to the exposure of Kurdish voters to national trends such as conservatives supporting Erdoğan, the parties and movements exclusive to Kurdish people have divided votes in the country and are not able to cross the level of about 10% of their traditional votes in the elections.

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